Santeria In Cuba
“Santeria in
Contemporary Cuba: The individual life and condition of the priesthood.”
Presented By: Oba Ernesto Pichardo
Copyright ã 1998
CLBA Journal 1999-2006
Third Annual So. Florida Symposium on Cuba
Faith and Power: Religion in Contemporary Cuba
University of Miami
Numerous writers have extensively documented Cuban history. Colonial History is written in ways that reflect the rationalistic assumptions and scientific logic that governed its writers. In contrast the slaves world, from within its womb, is still silent in many ways, especially in the area of African religions.
The fundamental purpose of this presentation is to expose a new topic. A topic that has not been directly addressed by scholars and deserves an in-depth analysis. The individual life and condition of the priesthood from the colonial period to contemporary Cuba is an absent perspective while entering the new millennium.
In representation of Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, our concerns focus on the individual life of our ordained people and their lives in missionary work. Given the extensive nature of this topic, this overview is limited to compare basic issues in relation to Cuba and the United States. How has the individual priest and priesthood been impacted in Cuba and the United States by a new phenomenon, that in many ways may be viewed as a persisting old phenomenon? The basic points of response to this query stems from the colonial period and reflects the contemporary condition affecting our priesthood.
It is fair to say that when a particular cultural group becomes dominated by another, the minority group begins to suffer from stigmas, formal and informal sanctions, misconceptions, discrimination, and basic human rights are significantly reduced. The minority values, morals, and new contributions made to the dominating group are generally not recognized or at best their importance is reshaped and shaded. During the colonial period Cuba followed this common principle although it differs to some degree in form compared to the simultaneous interest of the United States.
Slavery in Cuba may be characterized as a dehumanization process that intended to re-humanize the Africans. In this colonial process the Catholic Church and Spanish State joins together in common interest. Therefore the powers of formal and informal sanctions come together and affect the minority cultural group in significant ways. The formal State interest establishes social and political norms, while religion in official capacity establishes the new psychological conversion and conditioning of the minority cultural group.
The colonial period from the standpoint of African slaves may be defined as a time of perseverance. Their world quickly changed. Tribal kings and families, politicians, business and community leaders all were enslaved in a foreign region of the world. Religious leaders, their descendants, and the faithful, were now slaves. Colonial laws criminalized their religion. They were forced to become baptized and worship a new "Loving God" surrounded by a pantheon of saints. The early concerns during this period seem to indicate a need for individual survival. An ability to live on and not die under harsh plantation conditions. A sense of hope was sustaining the internal essence of what today is called Santeria, a misnomer for the indigenous religion of the Yoruba people of Nigeria.
In their homeland, they had a complex political and social order. They were a sedentary hoe farming cultural group with specialized labor. Their religion based on the worship of nature was renamed and documented by their masters. Santeria, a pejorative term that characterizes deviant catholic forms of worshiping saints has become a common name for our religion. The term Santero(a) is used to describe a priest or priestess replacing the traditional term Olorisha as an extension of the deities. The orishas became known as the saints in image of the catholic pantheon.
The plantation system compared to today's standards would severely violate basic universal human rights. African people were stripped of their human dignity and reduced to become an investment for massive productivity as if they were not part of the universal human family. In the early period of colonialism the life of a priest did not differ from the rest of the enslaved community. The concern of the priest was personal survival while offering religious support to those afflicted by extreme suffering circumstances.
The next period we can point too in Cuban history was post abolition between 1886 and 1942. Among the numerous world writers was Dr. Fernando Ortiz, Rafael Roche Monteagudo, all specializing in Afro-Cuban culture. Their early works depict Africans and their religions as fetishism, witchcraft, psychopathic, and criminal in nature to mention a few. It seems that the scholars in their subjective views lost account of centuries, generations of slaves and their state of mind. It would be a logical assumption that an unknown percentage of the population may have fit such characterizations. Theoretically it would only prove that the colonial dehumanization and re-humanization of slaves gave birth to a new breed of human problems.
African religions were still outlawed up to the republican era's constitution in early 1940's. The abolishment of slavery provided freedom from the plantation life to its survivors but not free in social, political, and religious terms. Scholars under such circumstances attempted to document the Yoruba cosmology, language, music, ritual and ceremonies, belief system and more. Based on the difficulties encountered in their research the Ayoba religion, renamed Santeria or Regla de Ocha, was labeled as zealously guarded by its practitioners and shrouded in secrecy.
Secrecy was not a true concern to the Ayoba; it was a new form of survival under crisis guarding the privacy of their human and religious wisdom. This was the only true African part that was never taken from their inner self. It was also an opportunity to begin a recovery process in their personal life and the condition of the religious community. Protecting the religious privacy as a component towards recovery within forced adaptations was a practical approach. Although the religion was illegal during this period some tolerance shaded by a juxtaposition was exercised.
The juxtaposition was confused by scholars with syncretism. A form of parallel came about by the forced conversion to Catholicism under colonial law. An authentic classification of syncretism would only apply to an undetermined percentage of faithful that may vary according to generational differences. In a pure sense the merger of two religions giving birth to a new form is not theoretically well founded. It may be argued that people are syncretic in various degrees but the Ayoba religion is not a product of colonial syncretism that merged with Catholicism.
Ayoba is connected to Catholicism through colonial retention in baptism and marriage. Representation of Catholic saints in form of statues were adopted by an undetermined percentage of the younger generations. Parallelism or juxtaposition became possible by finding similar points of reference between the Ayoba deities and the Catholic pantheon of saints. The vague similarities were documented by scholars as a syncretic religion. The assertion assumes that the Ayoba are a confused group of Catholics. St. Barbara, a female dressed in red and white with a sword, was compared to Shango, a male Yoruba king that dressed in red and white with a warrior history.
Virgen de la Mercedes dressed in white with the Christ child is vaguely similar to the Ayoba deity Obatala being male and associated to human physical creation. Religious comparison and symbology did not constitute a merger in the minds of the Ayoba, a pre-Christian religion. Ayoba religion has not been transformed. Yoruba language, rituals and ceremonies, symbols, divination system, and the Ayoba pantheon of deities remain.
Mixture may have primarily come from mulatto and white persons. In a predominant Catholic population converting to Ayoba or using it in times of human crisis it would not constitute a pure conversion. Ayoba tenets establish a profound concept of spiritual and human diplomacy. The belief is that God distributed grace and knowledge. Everyone has a part of the almighty truth but no one has the monopoly on truth.
Therefore the Ayoba do not emphasize through psychological coercion or religious requirement that conversion must be pure or calls for the denouncement of previous beliefs. A pure conversion must come from a choice made by personal freedom or free will over time after extensive religious experience causing a sincere conviction and internalized transformation.
Catholic teachings introduced a concept of Satan and Hell to the Ayoba that is absent in our religion. Eshu the deity that guides human destiny was classified as the Devil by early writers. The now called Santeria becomes viewed as satanic by the predominant cultural group. Ayoba religion is viewed as witchcraft, evil, anti-christian, and the religion of the slave class. Accusation of demon worship and sacrifices of children in secret annual ceremonies became a popular theme in Cuban society. Ayoba that became submissive gained tolerance while hiding their African religion.
The introduction of Cuba's constitution in the early 1940's to 1959 marked a new period of hopeful change. The new beginning for the Ayoba was the inclusion of a religious freedom clause in the new constitution. This juncture in Cuban history was important to the restoration and growth of the Ayoba religion. Scholars also began to better understand the afro-Cuban culture and moved towards a more objective view. The perspective of scholars intensified making more emphasis on presenting afro-Cuban culture as valued Folklore. Adapting to the conditions of this period, the religion survived within the scope of the predominant Christian culture. Some statistical records suggest a claim that 90% of the population was Catholic. This may only be true if measured by Church records in terms of marriage and baptism but does not provide statistical data on how many were simply nominal Catholics.
From the standpoint of Ayoba oral history, it seems that this was the peak period of white converts and priesthood ordinations of whites being prior Catholics. Another point of reference is that by this period many Ayoba factions required Catholic baptism prior to Ayoba baptism and priest ordination. The same occurrence is found among espiritistas which exist in significant numbers and consider themselves Christian. In the Afro-Congo religions one particular faction began a Christianization process of the traditional religious form. This lineage introduces a distinction between the new christianized Bakongo form and other traditional lineage's as Judaic. The traditional bakongo viewed as Judaic was evil because they did not recognize Jesus as the Lord. This idea was consistent with Catholic teachings.
From 1959 to present day Cuba much can be said in comparison to previous history. It would not be just attempting to present the complexity of this period in these limited pages. There are some basic foundational features that should be addressed in hopes that it stimulates analysis, debate, and objective documentation.
The first decade of the Cuban Revolution marked a new turning point that cosmetically changed public perception of the Ayoba religion. A systematic governmental process began to identify and recruit members of the Ayoba community. The purpose was to form part of the Conjunto Folklorico Nacional de Cuba. The intention to present the Ayoba religion as folklore was well on its way by 1965.
Testimony from one religious leader that was among the first fifty recruits explains the governmental strategy used. Teams of scholars were distributed throughout various points of high concentration of practitioners. Anthropologists penetrated the community on research projects while identifying religious sources. After gathering the data came a period of mandatory work permits. Raids made in various sectors revealed who had work permits or not, and any possible illegal activity. Those arrested would be transported to the remote Eucalyptus farms. Upon arrival, officials would offer a return back to Havana if they were willing to enroll and contribute to the Conjunto Folklorico. The alternative was to stay and be part of the hard labor force. The religious leader, a respectable priest, went back to Havana. The priest violation was not having a work permit.
According to the testimony most of the participants were there by circumstances, the best of two evils, and not by free choice. The seventies marked a period of discrimination and restrictive religious freedoms. If a person claimed to be a religioso he or she could not hold any government job. Religion was now against the interest of the Atheist State. Our people again found themselves hiding and facing the dangers to continue worshipping the orishas.
In the colonial period, they adopted the Catholic statues to survive. During the early revolution they placed pictures of Fidel Castro and Cheguevara in their living rooms and by their altars. Again those that were not submissive to the dominant power lived the burdens for being anti-governmental interest. Minors were banned from being ordained.
In addition, the religiosos had to request government permits to practice in homes. The neighborhood committees governed the religious activities in homes. Priests specialized in divination could be arrested for any advice given to adherents considered to be a threat to State interest.
Testimonies of incarceration are abundant but there are no statistics. The harsh conditions were not worst than the plantations. The religion and faith in God in an atheist State was kept alive among the Cuban people by the Ayoba. The risk taking for the priesthood was not a new phenomenon. They continued to ordain and gain adherents to the faith. The concern for them was having to survive within an atheist State while suffering from the same crisis as the rest of the layman population. Being removed from their homes and relocated at government will, medical and food rations, shortages of religious supplies, were among the common problems.
While our priests were merely in a state of subsistence in Cuba, they still kept assisting the faithful. In comparison those living in the United States had established the religion keeping it underground and addressing the many needs of a displaced exile community. The religious community in the USA never broke ties with their religious family left behind in the island. While adapting to the new temporary home in the United States they consistently found ways to send or smuggle religious supplies to Cuba.
By the mid seventies the Ayoba religion was experiencing a significant growth in numbers of ordinations and adherents inside the boundaries of the United States. Growing concerns from the Catholic Church in the United States attracted attention to the Ayoba growth. Studies indicating that the Church was losing membership in significant numbers to the Protestants and Santeria. They quickly began to look for explanations and developed a strategy that made Santeria a target. Cuba presented a worst scenario for the Catholics. The government reduced their effectiveness to operate while allowing a small gap to function for the Ayoba. Rendering the Church to an almost obsolete presence the Ayoba's juxtaposition with Catholicism preserved a popular belief in the pantheon of saints.
The eighties and nineties present a change in scenario. As the social, political and economic situation in Cuba became more severe the government made changes to survive. In the late eighties the government allowed the organization of the Ifa Yesterday, Ifa Today, Ifa Tomorrow, formed by numerous respectable Ayoba Ifa priests. Their sincere apolitical intention was driven by a belief that the government was going to permit the institutionalization of the Ayoba and allowed to establish a formal bridge with the Yoruba in Nigeria. This would be the first opportunity in centuries to have a fraternal encounter with the motherland. The normal protocol was a success and for the first time in Cuban history the Yoruba Ooni visited the island. The priests had high expectancies looking forward to the establishment of formal exchanges, creation of a religious library, and Yoruba support of the community in Cuba. The effort failed before the Ooni returned to Nigeria. The organization was canceled and it was replaced by the governments Asociacion Cultural Yoruba.
Approximately one year prior in the United States an unrelated effort was on its way. Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye announced the intention to open a church in the City of Hialeah Florida. The local government rejected the Church and passed ordinances banning animal offerings for religious purposes (1987-1993). The organization survived a heated court battle and won at the Supreme Court of the United States. It was subjected to extreme biases, bigotry, hate, and violence by the Christian community and political establishment. After the ruling the Church re-opened in Hialeah and declined all financial claims for damages. Making a moral point, the Church collected one-dollar compensation from the outspoken Cuban American acting mayor in a private settlement.
During these same years, Cuba gave birth to an unprecedented reality. The agenda of the newly formed, Asociacion Cultural Yoruba, mirrored the objectives of the Lukumi Babalu Aye Church in Hialeah. Justified under cultural and folklore Cuba began its religious tourism of Afro-Cuban religions. There was the birth of what is called the diplo-babalawos. Chosen priests specialized in Ayoba divination working in concert with government interest. Our religion becomes commercialized attracting tourism from around the world as an attractive feature. Intimate matters of confession were no longer protected. State security could now demand to know what was said in a religious counseling session. The diplo-babalawos rejected by the vast majority of the orthodoxy reaped part of the profits shared with the government. This government commercialization has lead to the belief that the Ayoba in Cuba are part of or at least sponsored by the government. While this false impression persists in Cuba, the true condition of the priesthood remains hidden.
There are two basic differences that can be presented in comparison to the experiences in contemporary Cuba versus those outside of the island. United States provided room for the establishment and expansion of the religion into numerous countries. The concerns are the management of the multi-cultural diversity, which is a new experience for the Ayoba. The religion is no longer Yoruba or be said to be Afro-Cuban, its international. As it becomes a more world religion in the next millennium institutionalization is an absolute. This phase of the religion faces new formal structural challenges that can enable the religion to survive in a diverse environment. Therefore this process must be practical and move towards universality. In order to set the proper foundation the Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye centers its focus in a revisionist position from a practical viewpoint. The revisionary approach allows for an evaluation of the individual life of priests, their life in the ministry, their communities, and a profound evaluation in relation to the present condition of the priesthood. There is no simple correlation with contemporary Cuba.
After the survival of colonialism in Cuba came religious tolerance. Social acceptance was never achieved and the Ayoba remained represented by the Catholic Church. Ayoba never had a voice in social or political concerns. Social stigmas and discrimination plagued the religion. Documentation of the beliefs and practices were governed by outsiders and the practitioners reduced to being merely informants. The religion was presented as a cult and folklore in ways that preserved the Catholic centralism. The revolution came an reshaped the conditions in unexpected impacting ways.
Ayoba priests have refaced the need of personal survival and the task of preserving the religion under complex severe circumstances. They have had to withstand the demanding changes of an atheist State. Now they face an old phenomenon that appears to be new. The re-colonialization of present day Cuba by the Catholic State has become an additional burden.
Cuba seems to be moving towards a more moderate position on religion. It is gradually making concessions on religious expression for all denominations. While millions of dollars are poured for the restoration of Catholic Churches, publications, administrative needs, propaganda, and donations of medicines to some ninety hospitals, the Ayoba are targeted for conversion.
In comparison, the Ayoba have no independent Churches that can receive outside assistance and systematic support. Our priests' individual conditions are deplorable. They find themselves in old weather beaten homes. Every morning they are concerned with acquiring basic food supplies and medical needs. Stand in hope that a family member or someone from their religious extended family can send them dollars, clothing, and medical needs. An undetermined number are still in prison with no voice or ears to hear them. Because they are not institutionalized, help does not reach to assist their needs. They have no access to media or a voice in the changes that are transpiring.
Under said crisis, they continue the ministry. Their personal needs and circumstances have not stopped them from helping adherents in moments of severe human suffering. The primary reliance to survive the present conditions in Cuba places a continued burden on the priests living outside of Cuba. The increase in travel to Cuba produces religious growth requiring a higher consumption of religious goods. Supplies based on individual efforts constantly flow through various means. It is estimated that 75% of the population of Cuba is an active member of the Ayoba religion. Catholic claims of 40% being Catholic based on church baptism statistics are misleading. There are numerous Afro-Cuban groups that maintain colonial retention requiring baptism from adherents. There are no reliable statistics that distinguishes these nominal Catholics at best.
A concerning feature was the propaganda before the Papal visit. This juncture presented a predictable conflict. Its holds the same value as in the colonial period of slave re-humanization. Ayoba opinion is that the Catholics new opportunity to gain more space in Cuba marks a positive change in the society for all religions. Catholic strategy appears to be a redemption movement in aims to revitalize the faith. A redemption movement is expected to seek social change over time adapting to the present political situation. This kind of movement avoids political confrontation to gain space and works with points in common to establish its presence. It is a strategy of positioning.
The conflict arises from two initial factors. Before the Papal visit Church officials met with various factions in the exile community. The assessment of diverse opinions was made and common points were identified. On the other hand, the Ayoba leadership was never consulted. It was a strange occurrence given the fact that the majority of Cuba's religious community is Ayoba. This was a saddening warning signal for the Ayoba. A symbol of forthcoming conflict rather than peace.
Then it happened. Cardinal Jaime Ortega in public statements offends the sensibilities of the Ayoba calling us a pseudo religion. He associates us with the atheist government, rejects our leaders participation in meeting the Pope adjunct to other denominational leaders. To greater offence, He rejects meeting with Ayoba leaders to avoid misunderstandings and publicly claims that the Ayoba community is well represented by the Catholic leadership. Anti-Ayoba sentiments are expressed in Catholic publications and during numerous Church services. There are accounts of rejecting the presence of Ayoba adherents in several Churches. The government began to pressure our community seeking supportive participation of the Papal visit.
The impact of the Papal visit was perceived as massive elite propaganda raising expectations that marginalized the majority of the Cuban people. They offended a large portion of the population that fills their churches. The only spoken words about slavery and its brutality came from Fidel Castro. The Pope met with leaders in representation of several denominations, Cuban scholars, and with government officials. Afro-Cuban religious communities became recognized only in derogatory terms and claimed to be a Catholic possession. No apology came from the Pope or other officials in reference to Catholic participation of slavery. The propaganda appears to claim that Cuba is Catholic, calls for a return to the True Faith, and those being atheist, well let’s just say Cuba can be converted.
Given the circumstances the Ayoba community is not connected or influenced by the Papal visit. There is a general feeling of irrelevance to their lives and viewed as another State power seeking to conquer. The visit represented a new threat to the gained Ayoba space in contemporary Cuba. The trend to conquer holds resemblance to the re-humanization period and the past republican era. The return of the forties and fifties of the Catholic social status in dominance or the overtake of the Afro-Cuban communities being expected to become submissive all over again. There is a significant disadvantage for the Ayoba community. The impact of the Papal visit re-establishes the Catholic State relations with the atheist government. It provides the Catholic political space to work and influence future Cuban policies, laws, social direction, and changes in mental attitudes of the people. Supported by the United States and other governments, the Vatican, and the Cuban Church finds itself at a unique crossroad that may be dangerous to the existing space and freedoms of the Ayoba community.
A reshaping of Cuban politics and social norms are well on their way and the Ayoba are marginalized in this process. The trend to conquer moves towards serious conflict. Cuba is no longer the white Catholic possession. Today they are a minority. Afro-Cuban religious communities represent Cuban culture not politics. Attempts to reduce their gained space can be and should be rejected. Other denominations in different forms are also on the conversion mode and attacking the African religious communities. The combined present efforts by Christian denominations amount to components of colonialism. It is a strategy of psychological coercion to gain converts by means that Satanizes the Afro-Cuban religions.
The present Cuban model does not value universal freedoms. The attitudes of the Cuban Catholic Church is not respectful and consistent with the Vatican Nostra Aetate declaration. The archdiocese in Miami is equally not responsive and ignores Nostra Aetate in relation to the Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye. It is a clear indication of the deliberate intent of the Catholic State to re-colonialize Cuban affairs at the expense of our religious community.
Our recommendation for freedoms in Cuba begins with practice in the United States and extends to Cuba. A committee or union of leaders from denominations active in Cuba should be formed. Dogmatic extremes should be curbed in ways that allows equal representation of all denominations. They must all have a voice and place in Cuban society. Religious freedom must come to all with equality and the right of human freedom to choose without psychological coercion should be an absolute. Reconciliation of the Cuban people cannot come by means of offensive religious propaganda. It must be sincere, loving and convincing.
Presented By: Oba Ernesto Pichardo
Copyright ã 1998
CLBA Journal 1999-2006
Third Annual So. Florida Symposium on Cuba
Faith and Power: Religion in Contemporary Cuba
University of Miami
Numerous writers have extensively documented Cuban history. Colonial History is written in ways that reflect the rationalistic assumptions and scientific logic that governed its writers. In contrast the slaves world, from within its womb, is still silent in many ways, especially in the area of African religions.
The fundamental purpose of this presentation is to expose a new topic. A topic that has not been directly addressed by scholars and deserves an in-depth analysis. The individual life and condition of the priesthood from the colonial period to contemporary Cuba is an absent perspective while entering the new millennium.
In representation of Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, our concerns focus on the individual life of our ordained people and their lives in missionary work. Given the extensive nature of this topic, this overview is limited to compare basic issues in relation to Cuba and the United States. How has the individual priest and priesthood been impacted in Cuba and the United States by a new phenomenon, that in many ways may be viewed as a persisting old phenomenon? The basic points of response to this query stems from the colonial period and reflects the contemporary condition affecting our priesthood.
It is fair to say that when a particular cultural group becomes dominated by another, the minority group begins to suffer from stigmas, formal and informal sanctions, misconceptions, discrimination, and basic human rights are significantly reduced. The minority values, morals, and new contributions made to the dominating group are generally not recognized or at best their importance is reshaped and shaded. During the colonial period Cuba followed this common principle although it differs to some degree in form compared to the simultaneous interest of the United States.
Slavery in Cuba may be characterized as a dehumanization process that intended to re-humanize the Africans. In this colonial process the Catholic Church and Spanish State joins together in common interest. Therefore the powers of formal and informal sanctions come together and affect the minority cultural group in significant ways. The formal State interest establishes social and political norms, while religion in official capacity establishes the new psychological conversion and conditioning of the minority cultural group.
The colonial period from the standpoint of African slaves may be defined as a time of perseverance. Their world quickly changed. Tribal kings and families, politicians, business and community leaders all were enslaved in a foreign region of the world. Religious leaders, their descendants, and the faithful, were now slaves. Colonial laws criminalized their religion. They were forced to become baptized and worship a new "Loving God" surrounded by a pantheon of saints. The early concerns during this period seem to indicate a need for individual survival. An ability to live on and not die under harsh plantation conditions. A sense of hope was sustaining the internal essence of what today is called Santeria, a misnomer for the indigenous religion of the Yoruba people of Nigeria.
In their homeland, they had a complex political and social order. They were a sedentary hoe farming cultural group with specialized labor. Their religion based on the worship of nature was renamed and documented by their masters. Santeria, a pejorative term that characterizes deviant catholic forms of worshiping saints has become a common name for our religion. The term Santero(a) is used to describe a priest or priestess replacing the traditional term Olorisha as an extension of the deities. The orishas became known as the saints in image of the catholic pantheon.
The plantation system compared to today's standards would severely violate basic universal human rights. African people were stripped of their human dignity and reduced to become an investment for massive productivity as if they were not part of the universal human family. In the early period of colonialism the life of a priest did not differ from the rest of the enslaved community. The concern of the priest was personal survival while offering religious support to those afflicted by extreme suffering circumstances.
The next period we can point too in Cuban history was post abolition between 1886 and 1942. Among the numerous world writers was Dr. Fernando Ortiz, Rafael Roche Monteagudo, all specializing in Afro-Cuban culture. Their early works depict Africans and their religions as fetishism, witchcraft, psychopathic, and criminal in nature to mention a few. It seems that the scholars in their subjective views lost account of centuries, generations of slaves and their state of mind. It would be a logical assumption that an unknown percentage of the population may have fit such characterizations. Theoretically it would only prove that the colonial dehumanization and re-humanization of slaves gave birth to a new breed of human problems.
African religions were still outlawed up to the republican era's constitution in early 1940's. The abolishment of slavery provided freedom from the plantation life to its survivors but not free in social, political, and religious terms. Scholars under such circumstances attempted to document the Yoruba cosmology, language, music, ritual and ceremonies, belief system and more. Based on the difficulties encountered in their research the Ayoba religion, renamed Santeria or Regla de Ocha, was labeled as zealously guarded by its practitioners and shrouded in secrecy.
Secrecy was not a true concern to the Ayoba; it was a new form of survival under crisis guarding the privacy of their human and religious wisdom. This was the only true African part that was never taken from their inner self. It was also an opportunity to begin a recovery process in their personal life and the condition of the religious community. Protecting the religious privacy as a component towards recovery within forced adaptations was a practical approach. Although the religion was illegal during this period some tolerance shaded by a juxtaposition was exercised.
The juxtaposition was confused by scholars with syncretism. A form of parallel came about by the forced conversion to Catholicism under colonial law. An authentic classification of syncretism would only apply to an undetermined percentage of faithful that may vary according to generational differences. In a pure sense the merger of two religions giving birth to a new form is not theoretically well founded. It may be argued that people are syncretic in various degrees but the Ayoba religion is not a product of colonial syncretism that merged with Catholicism.
Ayoba is connected to Catholicism through colonial retention in baptism and marriage. Representation of Catholic saints in form of statues were adopted by an undetermined percentage of the younger generations. Parallelism or juxtaposition became possible by finding similar points of reference between the Ayoba deities and the Catholic pantheon of saints. The vague similarities were documented by scholars as a syncretic religion. The assertion assumes that the Ayoba are a confused group of Catholics. St. Barbara, a female dressed in red and white with a sword, was compared to Shango, a male Yoruba king that dressed in red and white with a warrior history.
Virgen de la Mercedes dressed in white with the Christ child is vaguely similar to the Ayoba deity Obatala being male and associated to human physical creation. Religious comparison and symbology did not constitute a merger in the minds of the Ayoba, a pre-Christian religion. Ayoba religion has not been transformed. Yoruba language, rituals and ceremonies, symbols, divination system, and the Ayoba pantheon of deities remain.
Mixture may have primarily come from mulatto and white persons. In a predominant Catholic population converting to Ayoba or using it in times of human crisis it would not constitute a pure conversion. Ayoba tenets establish a profound concept of spiritual and human diplomacy. The belief is that God distributed grace and knowledge. Everyone has a part of the almighty truth but no one has the monopoly on truth.
Therefore the Ayoba do not emphasize through psychological coercion or religious requirement that conversion must be pure or calls for the denouncement of previous beliefs. A pure conversion must come from a choice made by personal freedom or free will over time after extensive religious experience causing a sincere conviction and internalized transformation.
Catholic teachings introduced a concept of Satan and Hell to the Ayoba that is absent in our religion. Eshu the deity that guides human destiny was classified as the Devil by early writers. The now called Santeria becomes viewed as satanic by the predominant cultural group. Ayoba religion is viewed as witchcraft, evil, anti-christian, and the religion of the slave class. Accusation of demon worship and sacrifices of children in secret annual ceremonies became a popular theme in Cuban society. Ayoba that became submissive gained tolerance while hiding their African religion.
The introduction of Cuba's constitution in the early 1940's to 1959 marked a new period of hopeful change. The new beginning for the Ayoba was the inclusion of a religious freedom clause in the new constitution. This juncture in Cuban history was important to the restoration and growth of the Ayoba religion. Scholars also began to better understand the afro-Cuban culture and moved towards a more objective view. The perspective of scholars intensified making more emphasis on presenting afro-Cuban culture as valued Folklore. Adapting to the conditions of this period, the religion survived within the scope of the predominant Christian culture. Some statistical records suggest a claim that 90% of the population was Catholic. This may only be true if measured by Church records in terms of marriage and baptism but does not provide statistical data on how many were simply nominal Catholics.
From the standpoint of Ayoba oral history, it seems that this was the peak period of white converts and priesthood ordinations of whites being prior Catholics. Another point of reference is that by this period many Ayoba factions required Catholic baptism prior to Ayoba baptism and priest ordination. The same occurrence is found among espiritistas which exist in significant numbers and consider themselves Christian. In the Afro-Congo religions one particular faction began a Christianization process of the traditional religious form. This lineage introduces a distinction between the new christianized Bakongo form and other traditional lineage's as Judaic. The traditional bakongo viewed as Judaic was evil because they did not recognize Jesus as the Lord. This idea was consistent with Catholic teachings.
From 1959 to present day Cuba much can be said in comparison to previous history. It would not be just attempting to present the complexity of this period in these limited pages. There are some basic foundational features that should be addressed in hopes that it stimulates analysis, debate, and objective documentation.
The first decade of the Cuban Revolution marked a new turning point that cosmetically changed public perception of the Ayoba religion. A systematic governmental process began to identify and recruit members of the Ayoba community. The purpose was to form part of the Conjunto Folklorico Nacional de Cuba. The intention to present the Ayoba religion as folklore was well on its way by 1965.
Testimony from one religious leader that was among the first fifty recruits explains the governmental strategy used. Teams of scholars were distributed throughout various points of high concentration of practitioners. Anthropologists penetrated the community on research projects while identifying religious sources. After gathering the data came a period of mandatory work permits. Raids made in various sectors revealed who had work permits or not, and any possible illegal activity. Those arrested would be transported to the remote Eucalyptus farms. Upon arrival, officials would offer a return back to Havana if they were willing to enroll and contribute to the Conjunto Folklorico. The alternative was to stay and be part of the hard labor force. The religious leader, a respectable priest, went back to Havana. The priest violation was not having a work permit.
According to the testimony most of the participants were there by circumstances, the best of two evils, and not by free choice. The seventies marked a period of discrimination and restrictive religious freedoms. If a person claimed to be a religioso he or she could not hold any government job. Religion was now against the interest of the Atheist State. Our people again found themselves hiding and facing the dangers to continue worshipping the orishas.
In the colonial period, they adopted the Catholic statues to survive. During the early revolution they placed pictures of Fidel Castro and Cheguevara in their living rooms and by their altars. Again those that were not submissive to the dominant power lived the burdens for being anti-governmental interest. Minors were banned from being ordained.
In addition, the religiosos had to request government permits to practice in homes. The neighborhood committees governed the religious activities in homes. Priests specialized in divination could be arrested for any advice given to adherents considered to be a threat to State interest.
Testimonies of incarceration are abundant but there are no statistics. The harsh conditions were not worst than the plantations. The religion and faith in God in an atheist State was kept alive among the Cuban people by the Ayoba. The risk taking for the priesthood was not a new phenomenon. They continued to ordain and gain adherents to the faith. The concern for them was having to survive within an atheist State while suffering from the same crisis as the rest of the layman population. Being removed from their homes and relocated at government will, medical and food rations, shortages of religious supplies, were among the common problems.
While our priests were merely in a state of subsistence in Cuba, they still kept assisting the faithful. In comparison those living in the United States had established the religion keeping it underground and addressing the many needs of a displaced exile community. The religious community in the USA never broke ties with their religious family left behind in the island. While adapting to the new temporary home in the United States they consistently found ways to send or smuggle religious supplies to Cuba.
By the mid seventies the Ayoba religion was experiencing a significant growth in numbers of ordinations and adherents inside the boundaries of the United States. Growing concerns from the Catholic Church in the United States attracted attention to the Ayoba growth. Studies indicating that the Church was losing membership in significant numbers to the Protestants and Santeria. They quickly began to look for explanations and developed a strategy that made Santeria a target. Cuba presented a worst scenario for the Catholics. The government reduced their effectiveness to operate while allowing a small gap to function for the Ayoba. Rendering the Church to an almost obsolete presence the Ayoba's juxtaposition with Catholicism preserved a popular belief in the pantheon of saints.
The eighties and nineties present a change in scenario. As the social, political and economic situation in Cuba became more severe the government made changes to survive. In the late eighties the government allowed the organization of the Ifa Yesterday, Ifa Today, Ifa Tomorrow, formed by numerous respectable Ayoba Ifa priests. Their sincere apolitical intention was driven by a belief that the government was going to permit the institutionalization of the Ayoba and allowed to establish a formal bridge with the Yoruba in Nigeria. This would be the first opportunity in centuries to have a fraternal encounter with the motherland. The normal protocol was a success and for the first time in Cuban history the Yoruba Ooni visited the island. The priests had high expectancies looking forward to the establishment of formal exchanges, creation of a religious library, and Yoruba support of the community in Cuba. The effort failed before the Ooni returned to Nigeria. The organization was canceled and it was replaced by the governments Asociacion Cultural Yoruba.
Approximately one year prior in the United States an unrelated effort was on its way. Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye announced the intention to open a church in the City of Hialeah Florida. The local government rejected the Church and passed ordinances banning animal offerings for religious purposes (1987-1993). The organization survived a heated court battle and won at the Supreme Court of the United States. It was subjected to extreme biases, bigotry, hate, and violence by the Christian community and political establishment. After the ruling the Church re-opened in Hialeah and declined all financial claims for damages. Making a moral point, the Church collected one-dollar compensation from the outspoken Cuban American acting mayor in a private settlement.
During these same years, Cuba gave birth to an unprecedented reality. The agenda of the newly formed, Asociacion Cultural Yoruba, mirrored the objectives of the Lukumi Babalu Aye Church in Hialeah. Justified under cultural and folklore Cuba began its religious tourism of Afro-Cuban religions. There was the birth of what is called the diplo-babalawos. Chosen priests specialized in Ayoba divination working in concert with government interest. Our religion becomes commercialized attracting tourism from around the world as an attractive feature. Intimate matters of confession were no longer protected. State security could now demand to know what was said in a religious counseling session. The diplo-babalawos rejected by the vast majority of the orthodoxy reaped part of the profits shared with the government. This government commercialization has lead to the belief that the Ayoba in Cuba are part of or at least sponsored by the government. While this false impression persists in Cuba, the true condition of the priesthood remains hidden.
There are two basic differences that can be presented in comparison to the experiences in contemporary Cuba versus those outside of the island. United States provided room for the establishment and expansion of the religion into numerous countries. The concerns are the management of the multi-cultural diversity, which is a new experience for the Ayoba. The religion is no longer Yoruba or be said to be Afro-Cuban, its international. As it becomes a more world religion in the next millennium institutionalization is an absolute. This phase of the religion faces new formal structural challenges that can enable the religion to survive in a diverse environment. Therefore this process must be practical and move towards universality. In order to set the proper foundation the Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye centers its focus in a revisionist position from a practical viewpoint. The revisionary approach allows for an evaluation of the individual life of priests, their life in the ministry, their communities, and a profound evaluation in relation to the present condition of the priesthood. There is no simple correlation with contemporary Cuba.
After the survival of colonialism in Cuba came religious tolerance. Social acceptance was never achieved and the Ayoba remained represented by the Catholic Church. Ayoba never had a voice in social or political concerns. Social stigmas and discrimination plagued the religion. Documentation of the beliefs and practices were governed by outsiders and the practitioners reduced to being merely informants. The religion was presented as a cult and folklore in ways that preserved the Catholic centralism. The revolution came an reshaped the conditions in unexpected impacting ways.
Ayoba priests have refaced the need of personal survival and the task of preserving the religion under complex severe circumstances. They have had to withstand the demanding changes of an atheist State. Now they face an old phenomenon that appears to be new. The re-colonialization of present day Cuba by the Catholic State has become an additional burden.
Cuba seems to be moving towards a more moderate position on religion. It is gradually making concessions on religious expression for all denominations. While millions of dollars are poured for the restoration of Catholic Churches, publications, administrative needs, propaganda, and donations of medicines to some ninety hospitals, the Ayoba are targeted for conversion.
In comparison, the Ayoba have no independent Churches that can receive outside assistance and systematic support. Our priests' individual conditions are deplorable. They find themselves in old weather beaten homes. Every morning they are concerned with acquiring basic food supplies and medical needs. Stand in hope that a family member or someone from their religious extended family can send them dollars, clothing, and medical needs. An undetermined number are still in prison with no voice or ears to hear them. Because they are not institutionalized, help does not reach to assist their needs. They have no access to media or a voice in the changes that are transpiring.
Under said crisis, they continue the ministry. Their personal needs and circumstances have not stopped them from helping adherents in moments of severe human suffering. The primary reliance to survive the present conditions in Cuba places a continued burden on the priests living outside of Cuba. The increase in travel to Cuba produces religious growth requiring a higher consumption of religious goods. Supplies based on individual efforts constantly flow through various means. It is estimated that 75% of the population of Cuba is an active member of the Ayoba religion. Catholic claims of 40% being Catholic based on church baptism statistics are misleading. There are numerous Afro-Cuban groups that maintain colonial retention requiring baptism from adherents. There are no reliable statistics that distinguishes these nominal Catholics at best.
A concerning feature was the propaganda before the Papal visit. This juncture presented a predictable conflict. Its holds the same value as in the colonial period of slave re-humanization. Ayoba opinion is that the Catholics new opportunity to gain more space in Cuba marks a positive change in the society for all religions. Catholic strategy appears to be a redemption movement in aims to revitalize the faith. A redemption movement is expected to seek social change over time adapting to the present political situation. This kind of movement avoids political confrontation to gain space and works with points in common to establish its presence. It is a strategy of positioning.
The conflict arises from two initial factors. Before the Papal visit Church officials met with various factions in the exile community. The assessment of diverse opinions was made and common points were identified. On the other hand, the Ayoba leadership was never consulted. It was a strange occurrence given the fact that the majority of Cuba's religious community is Ayoba. This was a saddening warning signal for the Ayoba. A symbol of forthcoming conflict rather than peace.
Then it happened. Cardinal Jaime Ortega in public statements offends the sensibilities of the Ayoba calling us a pseudo religion. He associates us with the atheist government, rejects our leaders participation in meeting the Pope adjunct to other denominational leaders. To greater offence, He rejects meeting with Ayoba leaders to avoid misunderstandings and publicly claims that the Ayoba community is well represented by the Catholic leadership. Anti-Ayoba sentiments are expressed in Catholic publications and during numerous Church services. There are accounts of rejecting the presence of Ayoba adherents in several Churches. The government began to pressure our community seeking supportive participation of the Papal visit.
The impact of the Papal visit was perceived as massive elite propaganda raising expectations that marginalized the majority of the Cuban people. They offended a large portion of the population that fills their churches. The only spoken words about slavery and its brutality came from Fidel Castro. The Pope met with leaders in representation of several denominations, Cuban scholars, and with government officials. Afro-Cuban religious communities became recognized only in derogatory terms and claimed to be a Catholic possession. No apology came from the Pope or other officials in reference to Catholic participation of slavery. The propaganda appears to claim that Cuba is Catholic, calls for a return to the True Faith, and those being atheist, well let’s just say Cuba can be converted.
Given the circumstances the Ayoba community is not connected or influenced by the Papal visit. There is a general feeling of irrelevance to their lives and viewed as another State power seeking to conquer. The visit represented a new threat to the gained Ayoba space in contemporary Cuba. The trend to conquer holds resemblance to the re-humanization period and the past republican era. The return of the forties and fifties of the Catholic social status in dominance or the overtake of the Afro-Cuban communities being expected to become submissive all over again. There is a significant disadvantage for the Ayoba community. The impact of the Papal visit re-establishes the Catholic State relations with the atheist government. It provides the Catholic political space to work and influence future Cuban policies, laws, social direction, and changes in mental attitudes of the people. Supported by the United States and other governments, the Vatican, and the Cuban Church finds itself at a unique crossroad that may be dangerous to the existing space and freedoms of the Ayoba community.
A reshaping of Cuban politics and social norms are well on their way and the Ayoba are marginalized in this process. The trend to conquer moves towards serious conflict. Cuba is no longer the white Catholic possession. Today they are a minority. Afro-Cuban religious communities represent Cuban culture not politics. Attempts to reduce their gained space can be and should be rejected. Other denominations in different forms are also on the conversion mode and attacking the African religious communities. The combined present efforts by Christian denominations amount to components of colonialism. It is a strategy of psychological coercion to gain converts by means that Satanizes the Afro-Cuban religions.
The present Cuban model does not value universal freedoms. The attitudes of the Cuban Catholic Church is not respectful and consistent with the Vatican Nostra Aetate declaration. The archdiocese in Miami is equally not responsive and ignores Nostra Aetate in relation to the Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye. It is a clear indication of the deliberate intent of the Catholic State to re-colonialize Cuban affairs at the expense of our religious community.
Our recommendation for freedoms in Cuba begins with practice in the United States and extends to Cuba. A committee or union of leaders from denominations active in Cuba should be formed. Dogmatic extremes should be curbed in ways that allows equal representation of all denominations. They must all have a voice and place in Cuban society. Religious freedom must come to all with equality and the right of human freedom to choose without psychological coercion should be an absolute. Reconciliation of the Cuban people cannot come by means of offensive religious propaganda. It must be sincere, loving and convincing.
